China reframes North Korea as strategic asset to counter US, analysts say

Chinese President Xi Jinping's visit to Pyongyang has prompted analysts to conclude that Beijing has reassessed North Korea's strategic value and shifted its approach — from passive management to active partnership. The move reflects a calculated decision to use North Korea as leverage against US influence amid deepening US-China rivalry.

The Washington Post said Monday that Xi and North Korean leader Kim Jong-un celebrated an "unbreakable bond" between the two countries while presenting a united front against the Western-led international order.

The New York Times noted that Xi stressed close strategic communication and deeper exchanges across all sectors with Kim, analyzing the visit as an effort to counterbalance Russia's expanding influence over Pyongyang. The paper said Xi used the trip to subtly remind North Korea that China remains its most important benefactor, economic partner and shield against the United States.

"If Kim Jong-un can successfully balance his two great-power neighbors, he will feel even less restrained in developing nuclear weapons, which could further unsettle US allies in the region who are already worried about China's military rise and America's ability to honor its defense commitments," The New York Times said.

CNN reported that China's clear message was that North Korea's "most important economic lifeline and diplomatic partner is China," even as Pyongyang and Moscow have been deepening their ties. The network added that Xi's visit opened a new chapter in North Korea's long-standing balancing diplomacy — allowing Pyongyang to pursue military and economic benefits from both China and Russia without becoming overly dependent on either.

In effect, China checked North Korea's growing reliance on Russia at a manageable level, while North Korea leveraged its balancing act between Beijing and Moscow to secure practical gains — including expanded economic cooperation — and assert its own relevance.

Foreign media also noted that Xi focused on strengthening cooperation with North Korea to counter the Western-centered international order, while making no public mention of denuclearization.

The New York Times flagged the absence of any reference to North Korea's nuclear program in China's post-summit statement as a significant shift. Earlier joint statements from China-North Korea meetings had included language about working toward an end to the nuclear program, but such wording disappeared after Kim visited Beijing for a face-to-face meeting with Xi in September last year to mark China's Victory Day.

Bloomberg reported that while Xi said he would expand cooperation with Kim across trade, agriculture and technology, there was no public mention of North Korea's nuclear program. Bloomberg said Xi chose to reaffirm China's traditional role as North Korea's most important political patron and economic lifeline rather than publicly pressing Kim on denuclearization.

British media also characterized the summit as an attempt by Beijing to recover influence over North Korea that had waned in recent years. Analysts cited by those outlets said China's desire to check the North Korea-Russia alignment and reassert its own leverage left it unwilling to get drawn into nuclear negotiations.

BBC said that for Xi, North Korea is "a neighbor China can neither control nor afford to lose," adding that distrust had strained the relationship for years and that Beijing is now trying to rebuild influence over a partner that is strategically vital but entirely unpredictable. "China wants border stability and influence over North Korea, but does not want to be dragged into a crisis triggered by Pyongyang's nuclear ambitions," the broadcaster said, concluding that Xi's visit was more about securing leverage than fostering goodwill.

Hong Min, a senior researcher at the Korea Institute for National Unification, said China is undergoing a "re-recognition of North Korea's strategic value" amid a shifting external environment. "In the past, the approach was to manage North Korea so it would not cause problems. Now, the need to actively strengthen the relationship has grown," he said.

"As US-China competition intensifies and pressure on China mounts through frameworks like the South Korea-US-Japan security cooperation and the Quad, Beijing's need to use North Korea as a check against the United States has grown," Hong added.

That shift is also visible in the military domain. Hong said it was notable that the summit communiqué mentioned exchanges between the two countries' armed forces. "This goes beyond symbolic cooperation and suggests the possibility of substantive military cooperation," he said. Analysts have pointed to a range of potential forms of engagement, including joint exercises, military intelligence sharing, and logistics and technology cooperation.

Yang Wook, a research fellow at the Asan Policy Research Institute, said North Korea's emphasis on "blue-water operational capability" reflects more than a display of military strength. "Behind it lies an intention to secure a military stake within the North Korea-China-Russia cooperative framework," he said. "If North Korea acquires open-ocean operational capability alongside its nuclear arsenal, it could expand its influence in the maritime security landscape of Northeast Asia."

As the China-North Korea relationship grows closer, North Korea gains a secure strategic rear — but its room for maneuver may also narrow under Beijing's influence. The partnership could serve a dual function: coordinating a front against the United States while simultaneously restraining military escalation. Experts are urging South Korea to move beyond its traditional North Korea nuclear-focused response and pursue a broader strategy.

"We need to maintain deterrence while widening our strategic horizon to manage the arms race and instability across Northeast Asia as a whole," Hong said. "South Korea should take the lead in multilateral forums to drive discussions on arms control and crisis management."